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The paper is an attempt to reconstruct the theoretical discourse on the strategy of using the notion of "the political" and related notions in Polish political theory. The author argues that these concepts, appearing in large numbers in recent years, are not an expression of pointless terminological disputes, but an attempt to cope with the complex character of various political phenomena that are the result of dynamic processes of the politicisation of various previously non-political problems of collective life. The text discusses two ways of understanding "the political" that dominate among Polish political scientists: as an aspect of various political phenomena in conventionally understood politics and beyond, and as a category that allows one to name the fundamental principles through which society as a whole and its various parts (e.g. social classes) are formed. The text also discusses three strategies for searching for synonymous terms in relations to politics and "the political": (1) attempts to find a superordinate category; (2) transformations of the notion of "the political" through various clarifications (e.g. organic politics) and prefixes (e.g. meta-politics); (3) orientation towards borderline phenomena (e.g. quasi-political ones) in the context of processes of politicisation and depoliticisation that allow for a continuous reconfiguration of the boundaries of what is political.

The article discusses the relationship between different kinds of thinking based on binary oppositions in the context of the political. The main assumption of the article is based on the claim that the notion of the political requires a reworking of different kinds of dualisms. The verification of the initial assumption has been carried out in two – opposing – directions. On the one hand, there are sphere dualisms of the public–private type, which in practice support the political/ non-political opposition. Such divisions turn out to be a source of erasure of important political problems of collective life. On the other hand, no conceptualisation of the political, understood as a fundamental political relationship, can do without dualistic assumptions. Different conceptions approach this issue differently. For example, the biopolitical theory of M. Hardt and A. Negri promotes the abolition of dualisms, but ultimately the dichotomous logic in it returns, although as a manifestation of inconsistency. The concept of the political that seems most realistic appears in the agonistic theory of Ch. Mouffe and E. Laclau, in which the political is immanently associated with fundamental antagonisms based on the us–them relationship.

Tekst przedstawia rozważania na temat twórczości boliwijskiego reżysera filmowego, Jorge Sanjinésa w szerokim kontekście społeczno-politycznym i artystycznym. Autor analizuje również manifest teoretyczny Sanjinésa (1976), w których wyłożył on podstawowe założenia zaangażowanego kina politycznego w Ameryce Łacińskiej. Tezą nadrzędną artykułu jest twierdzenie, że filmy Sanjinésa należą do kina radykalnej polityczności. Jest to kino odsłaniające fundamentalne sprzeczności społeczne, a zarazem aktywnie nawołujące do zmiany niesprawiedliwych warunków w systemie. Istotnym wyróżnikiem tego typu aktywności twórczej jest więc nie to, że polega ona na opowiadaniu o zmianie politycznej, ale ma być praktycznym instrumentem nowego, kontrhegemonicznego porządku politycznego. Wśród cech charakterystycznych tego kina wymienia się: ideologiczny sprzeciw wobec neokolonializmu, imperializmu i zapóźnienia społecznego; radykalną formę zrywającą z kodami narracyjnymi kina głównego nurtu; podziemne warunki produkcji; alternatywne formy dystrybucji omijające oficjalne kanały obiegu filmowego. Pod koniec rozważań autor zastanawia się nad współczesnym znaczeniem filmów Sanjinésa.

The article presents the analysis of the relation between two concepts, namely cosmopolitan democracy and agonistic multipolar order, whose author is Chantal Mouffe, in the context of the dispute about the preferred shape of global democracy. Both approaches are presented in the literature as opposing. The main thesis of the present article is the possibility of connecting them, but according to dialectical principles. The point is not about a smooth consensus but about the fact that the contradictions between those views can be treated as a condition of their interweaving. To this aim, I use two theoretical concepts: of antagonistic cosmopolitanism by Tamara Caraus and of antagonistic global constitutionalism by Christof Royer. On this basis I claim that Mouffe's rejection of cosmopolitanism is not thoroughly coherent with her own assumptions. I acknowledge her argumentation that cosmopolitan democracy might lead to pluralism without antagonism but at the same time I suggest that Mouffe's postulate of the multipolar order can lead to pluralist antagonism without agonism. It is only the establishment of cosmopolitan institutions and rules that will allow for really agonistic and radically pluralized global politics, thanks to which it will be possible to solve the contemporary world problems effectively. For these reasons agonistic cosmopolitanism can be regarded as the most optimal variant of global democracy.

Metatheoretical comments on Chantal Mouffe's conception of the political in the context of its ideological implicationsThe article contains the thesis that in political science theories a scientific, ideological and philosophical components are so fused that it is impossible to separate them completely. For this reason, the ideological content not only does not undermine the cognitive value of theoretical argument, but even contributes to it — if the relevant criteria are metI think, that the metatheoretical optics is the most appropriate approach to analyse these criteria. It allows not only to describe given theory, but also enables more problematic de­construction of its conditions and cognitive status. In this article the analysis of this type is presented on the example of Chantal Mouffe's agonistic conflict theory by taking into consideration three following criteria. First, the ontological and epistemological assumptions of this theory are explained. Secondly, vivisection of the structures and forms of reasoning peculiar to the agonistic paradigm is conducted, followed by the examination of the paradigm's presence in the scientific discourse. Thirdly, the approaches which are both polemical and supportive for the Mouffe's theory, but representing different intellectual and ideological circles, are presented.

Abstract
This article presents artistic creativity which worked through the problem of Polish anti-Semitism. Almost all discussed works, performances, films, projects appeared after 2000, when Jan Tomasz Gross published his book Neighbors, in which he described the massacre in the village of Jedwabne (1941) launching a public debate about the responsibility of Poles in the Holocaust of the Jews. In the text, I showed as art, which is conventionally called "post-Jedwabne" was part of this debate. Its political status on possibly general level was associated primarily with the revision of conventionalized historical memory and national identity formed on romantic patterns.
The text shows that the debate with the participation of artists formed part of the rules of socalled ritual chaos, so the highly polarized positions, in which anti-Semitism was considered as an obvious and determining such events as the ones in Jedwabne (the opinion was adopted by artists), or it was denied. Even those works that sought to break away from this dichotomy, as Ida by Paweł Pawlikowski were placed secondarily in it as a part of the public debate. In the text, I explained that the post-Jedwabne art worked through primarily so-called secondary anti-Semitism. The political potential of these gestures was related to the disclosure of social antagonisms and tensions arising from the fact that Poles denied phenomenon of their own anti-Semitism and put the blame on the Jews for the fate, which they met. A very important aspect (political as well) also proved the psychotherapeutic function of post-Jedwabne art. In this perspective, events such as the pogrom in Jedwabne appear like trauma, which disintegrates the national identity. Translating it into artistic strategies many artists applied measures that were to deprive the viewer the secure role of an observer in favor of an active, working through participant.

The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).

The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film's political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.

The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film's political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.